We’ve had mixed emotions about being in Kenya at the time of
the election. Caution around security has
unfortunately meant that we haven’t ridden our bikes as much as we would have
liked (losing 6 riding days in total) and missed out on experiencing much of the
country from the saddle. However the
timing has given us a different insight into Kenya, seeing the people at their
most politically active and experiencing African democracy first hand.
The voter turn-out was huge, finally tallied at 85%. In a country of 40million people, many living
in very rural communities, that is some achievement. By way of contrast, the last time we got
anywhere close to that in the UK was 84% in 1950; turn-out for the 2010 general
election was a resurgent 65%. Focused on
electing their local governor rather than the president, the level of engagement
that we witnessed in the remote communities in the north was clearly emblazed across
their chests with t-shirts. We were also
interested to see candidates faces plastered on material that women would wrap
around as skirts, or headscarves in the more Muslim areas.
It seems that whilst there are a smattering of class issues
and political ideologies at play, tribal politics is a key component of Kenyan
politics. To overcome this and form a
majority in parliament, two leading coalitions had been formed, each with their
own presidential candidate - the Jubilee Alliance supporting Uhuru Kenyatta and
CORD backing the present Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Looking at the results for parliamentarians
elected by each province there are very clear strongholds – along party (and
more clearly tribal) rather than coalition lines.
We arrived in Nairobi (by bus – boo) as the presidential
results were being announced. To avoid a
runoff between the top two candidates, a clear winner required 50% of the vote
(accumulating at least 25% in 50% of the provinces, a new election requirement in
order to ensure an element of cross tribal support). After much counting and recounting Kenyatta achieved
this with a minute margin; coming in with 50.07%. His main rival Odinga has made claims of foul
play. With the cloud of the violence
that followed the 2007 election still looming large (not least as Kenyatta
faces charges before the ICC for inciting this violence) Odinga was clear that
he would challenge this result through the courts rather than with violence.
The claims of foul play are an interesting one. A number of gripes were listed, in our
opinion the number of these somewhat dilutes the argument. However one major concern was that the
machines purchased (at significant expense) from Canada to count the votes had failed,
allegedly through tampering, requiring much of the counting to take place by
hand. This is a rather odd assertion,
and it isn’t immediately clear how this results in being cheated out of
victory. It is interesting to wonder
whether there is something in Kenyan (dare we say African?) politics about
blame, the inability to admit defeat which leads to pointing the finger
(however tenuously) elsewhere. Or is it
actually that the level of corruption and manipulation rife in African politics
is beyond a degree we can conceive, and that there is a real chance that this doctoring
did take place for the exact purpose of blurring the crispness of results? We are in no position to judge which (or to what
extent both) might be accurate, but the fact that we are unable to distinguish
between these two behaviours makes me disappointed for the 85% who voted.
This uncertainty and accusations is not unique to the candidates. Just to add another layer of complexity,
the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission have also faced some
criticism in how the election was conducted; for the colours of the ballot papers
(cream and white being too similar) and importantly dramatic changes in the
number of spoiled ballots logged. Initial
estimates were that as much as 6% of ballots were spoiled, which in an election
where the winner has a 0.07% margin is significant. This was later reduced to
1%, but was enough to cause consternation amongst both candidates. The ‘spoiling’
has largely been attributed to the complexity of voting for six different sets
of candidates at the same time, from presidential down to local governor. The outcome of these accusations being the
undermining of trust in both people and process.
So what of that 85% of Kenyans who fought through the
complications and voted? Taking a taxi
out for supper last night we saw hordes of Kenyatta supporters on the street. Our driver explained that these people had
come to collect some money from the winner for voting for him. We explored this further. We do not think that this was bribery – that came
prior to the election when campaign teams visit the towns and villages with
t-shirts, caps, possibly beer, possibly food.
Well, arguably not bribery so much as making voters aware of the
candidate and some sense of their kindness and goodwill towards their community. This gathering was in the expectation of some
reward, and sharing in the celebration that their man had gained office. The expectation was that they would be given
maybe 100 shillings each, or some other small denomination, equating to less
than a pound. Whatever it was, whether they
had in fact voted for Kenyatta or not, it was enough that hundreds of people
felt it was worth gathering for and these are the masses in the population
needed to turn 49% into 50.07%.
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